Selasa, 26 Juli 2011

Figs in Muslim Spain

Figs on the variegated fig Ficus aspera 'Parce...Image via Wikipedia
Figs in Muslim Spain
Quoted from T. Glick, Islamic and Christian Spain in the early Middle Ages; Princeton Uni. Press, New Jersey, 1979; pp. 79-80:
Although figs may not have had the economic importance of olives, they afford an excellent example of the intensification of agriculture in Islamic Spain, manifest in the dazzling variety of the fruit available to consumers.
In the tenth-century Calendar of Cordoba, the Latin ficus (fig) translated the Arabic shajar "trees" (the specific word for fig is teen), indicating that the fig was so numerous that it became, by antonomasia, the tree.
From the standpoint of production for the export market, Malaga was the most important fig center, the city being surrounded on all sides by figs of the Rayyo (rayyî, also referred to as mâlaqi, Malagan) variety, "which is the best class of figs and the largest, with the most delicious pulp and the sweetest taste." Malagan figs were exported by Muslim and Christian traders and sold in Baghdad (according to al-Shaqundi) and as far away as India and China, where they were valued for their taste and their ability to preserve it over the full year's travel occupied in their transport.
In the Sierra Morena a wide variety of figs were grown, including the qûtiya (Gothic), sha'arî (hairy), and doñegal. The fig was also of interest to the agronomists: al-Hijâri reported that in the Garden of the Noria in Toledo there was grown a kind of fig tree whose fruit was half green and half white.

Source : http://www.muslimheritage.com/topics/default.cfm?ArticleID=308

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Gardens, Nature and Conservation in Islam

Chumleigh Multicultural Garden 1Image by stephan_london via Flickr
Gardens, Nature and Conservation in Islam
The Quran says:
"Surely the God-fearing shall be among gardens and fountains."
(Sura 51: 15)
"And those on the right hand;
what of those on the right hand?
Among thornless lote trees,
And clustered plantains,
And spreading shade,
And water gushing,
And fruit in plenty.
Neither out of reach nor yet forbidden,
And raised couches."
(Sura 56: 27-34)
Quotes from I.R.and L.L. Al-Faruqi in The Cultural Atlas of Islam; Mc Millan Publishing Company; New York; 1986 p.322:
For the Muslim, nature is a ni'mah, a blessed gift of God's bounty, granted to man to use and to enjoy, to transform in any way with the aim of achieving ethical value. Nature is not man's to possess or to destroy, or to use in any way detrimental to himself and to humanity, or to itself as God's creation. Since nature is God's work, his ayah, or sign, and the instrument of His purpose which is the absolute good, nature enjoys in the Muslim's eye a tremendous dignity. The Muslim treats nature with respect and deep gratitude to its beneficial Creator and Bestower. Any transformation of it must have a purpose clearly beneficial to all before it can be declared legitimate.
Quotes from T. Glick in Islamic and Christian Spain in the early Middle Ages, Princeton University Press, New Jersey, 1979. p. 54:
The notion, repeated in the Koran, of Paradise as a garden (al-janna, "The Garden") is symbolized in the form of Andalusi gardens, a few of which survive physically and some of which are described in literary sources.
The form of these gardens, quadripartite rectangles with fruit trees arranged in rows parallel to an axial watercourse, was of direct Persian (though ultimately, perhaps, of Roman) inspiration. Such an arrangement is apparent in an eleventh-century description of the Hair al-Zajjali, a renowned Cordoban garden, and is confirmed by the pattern of gardens, such as the Generalife of Granada, surviving from a later era. The symbolic value of the formal Islamic garden was as an earthly anticipation of paradise. In this sense, its contents of water, shade trees, and flowers were dictated by a generalized reaction to the desert environment, the traditional environment of Arabs, one that is dominated, of course, by aridity and conditioned by associations of the desert with fear and evil.
It is striking, indeed, that desert images, a traditional theme in Arabic poetry, are almost completely lacking in Andalusi poetry, except as a device to introduce, for example, the paradisiacal, watery freshness of a place like Valencia, and this in spite of the fact that wide stretches of the southern peninsula (e.g., the Almerian hinterland) already resembled the face of the moon, having been deforested by the Romans.

Source : http://www.muslimheritage.com/topics/default.cfm?ArticleID=313   

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Sabtu, 31 Mei 2008

Muslim Printing Before Gutenberg

Copy paste & edited by http://muslim-haritage.blogspot.com/ 

By Geoffrey Roper*

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Figure 1: Dr Geoffrey Roper (Source).

Dr Geoffrey Roper is an international bibliographical and library consultant, working with the Institute for the Study of Muslim Civilisations in London and other scholarly bodies. Educated at the University of Durham and the American University in Cairo, he was from 1982 to 2003 head of the Islamic Bibliography Unit at the University of Cambridge and editor of Index Islamicus, the major current comprehensive bibliography and search tool for publications on all aspects of Islam and the Muslim world. He has also been editor of Al-Furqān Foundation's World Survey of Islamic Manuscripts, Chairman of the Middle East Libraries Committee (MELCOM-UK) and contributor to various reference works. He has researched, written and lectured extensively on bibliography and the history of printing and publishing in the Muslim world, and has curated exhibitions on the subject at Cambridge University Library and the Gutenberg Museum in Mainz. He is currently an Associate Editor of the forthcoming Oxford Companion to the Book. For a comprehensive list of his publications, see below at the end of this article.

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Figure 2: Document Berlin P 11970. Copyright: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin, Germany. Photo: Jürgen Liepe.

The 15th-century German craftsman Johannes Gutenberg of Mainz is often credited with inventing the art and craft of printing. There is no doubt that this brought about a tremendous revolution in human communication and accumulation of knowledge, but was it really "invented" in 15th-century Europe?

Gutenberg does seem to have been the first to devise a printing press, but printing itself, that is, making multiple copies of a text by transferring it from one raised surface to other portable surfaces (especially paper) is much older. The Chinese were doing it as early as the 4th century, and the oldest dated printed text known to us is from 868: theDiamond Sutra, a Chinese translation of a Buddhist text now preserved in the British Library [1].

What is much less well known is that, little more than 100 years later, Arab Muslims were also printing texts, including passages from the Qur'ān. They had already embraced the Chinese craft of paper making, developed it and adopted it widely in the Muslim lands [2]. This led to a major growth in the production of manuscript texts. But there was one kind of text which lent itself particularly to mass distribution: this was the private devotional collection of prayers, incantations, Qur'ānic extracts and the "beautiful names" of God, for which there was a huge demand among Muslims, rich and poor, educated and uneducated. They were used especially as amulets, to be worn on the person, often rolled up and enclosed in a locket.

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Figure 3: Document Michaelides (charta) E 31. Copyright of Cambridge University Library.

So in Fatimid Egypt, the technique was adopted of printing these texts on paper strips, and supplying them in multiple copies to meet the mass demand. Several have been found by archaeologists in the course of excavations at Fustat (old Cairo), and the archaeological context has made it possible to date them to the 10thcentury. Other examples have come from various sites in Egypt, where the dry climate has helped to preserve them. The style of Arabic script used varies between late Kufic and different cursivenaskh and other styles used in the Mamluk period (13th-16th centuries). One good late example is printed on Italian watermarked paper of the 15thcentury. So Muslim printing continued for about 500 years. We do not know whether it may have influenced the eventual adoption of printing in Europe: there is no evidence, but the possibility cannot be ruled out, especially as the earliest European examples were block-prints. It has even been suggested that the Italian word tarocchi, meaning tarot cards (which were among the earliest block-printed artefacts in Europe), may have derived from the Arabic tarsh (see below). But this is a highly speculative theory, and more evidence will be needed before it can be accepted.

Some of these printed documents display quite sophisticated designs involving calligraphic headpieces, transverse lettering, geometric panels, roundels, and the use of colour. There is also a great variety of script styles.

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Figure 4: Document T-S Ar 20.1. Copyright of Cambridge University Library.

Figure 5: Document M.2002.1.370. Los Angeles Museum of Art, The Madina Collection of Islamic Art, gift of Camilla Chandler Frost. Copyright of Los Angeles County Museum of Arts.

Nearly 60 examples of these Arabic printed pieces survive in European and American libraries and museums, and an unknown number in Egypt itself. One example, in private hands, may have been produced in Afghanistan, or Iran, where it is known from historical sources that paper money was also printed in the Mongol period. There are very few historical or literary references, however, to the production of printed texts: only two allusions in Arabic poems of the 10th and 14th centuries to the use of tarsh to produce copies of amulets. It has been suggested that this non-classical Arabic term signified tin plates with engraved or repoussé lettering, from which printed impressions were made. But it is also possible that Chinese-style wood-blocks were used. The exact techniques are still in doubt.

What is not in doubt is that Muslims were practising the craft of printing for some five centuries before Gutenberg.

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Figure 6: Document 1975.192.21. The Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, Gift of Richard Ettinghausen, 1975. Copyright The Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York.

Figure 7: Document 1978.546.33. The Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, Gift of Nelly, Violet and Elie Abemayor, in memory of Michael Abemayor, 1978. Copyright The Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York.

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Figure 8: Document 1978.546.37. The Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, Gift of Nelly, Violet and Elie Abemayor, in memory of Michael Abemayor, 1978. Copyright The The Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York.

Figure 9: Arabic block print (Egypt, early 15th century). Copyright Gutenberg-Museum, Mainz, Germany, item GM 03.1 Schr.

References

  • Bloom, Jonathan M., Paper before print: the history and impact of paper in the Islamic world. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001; see especially pp. 218-219.
  • Bulliet, Richard W., "Medieval Arabic tarsh: a forgotten chapter in the history of Arabic printing", Journal of the American Oriental Society 107 (1987), pp. 427-438.
  • Carter, Thomas F., The invention of printing in China and its spread westward. Revised by L. Carrington Goodrich. New York: Ronald Press, 1955; see especially chapter 18.
  • Depaulis, Thierry, "Documents imprimés de l'Egypte fatimide: un chapitre méconnu de l'histoire de l'imprimerie", Bulletin de la Société Archéologique, Historique et Artistique le Vieux Papier 35 / 349 (1998), pp. 133-136
  • Fenton, Paul B., "Une xylographie arabe médiévale à la Bibliothéque Nationale et Universitaire de Strasbourg", Arabica 50 i (2003), pp. 114-117.
  • Jahn, Karl, "Paper currency in Iran: a contribution to the cultural and economic history of Iran in the Mongol period", Journal of Asian History 4 (1970), pp. 101-135.
  • Krek, Miroslav, "Arabic block printing as the precursor of printing in Europe: preliminary report", American Research Center in Egypt Newsletter
    129 (1985), pp. 12-16.
  • Levi Della Vida, Giorgio, "An Arabic block print", Scientific Monthly
    59 (1944), pp. 473-474.
  • Lunde, Paul, "A missing link", Aramco World Magazine 32 ii (1981), pp.26-27 (on block printed Arabic texts.)
  • Schaefer, Karl, "Arabic printing before Gutenberg - block-printed Arabic amulets", Middle Eastern languages and the print revolution: a cross-cultural encounter. A catalogue and companion to the exhibition. Ed. Eva Hanebutt-Benz - Dagmar Glass - Geoffrey Roper in collaboration with Theo Smets / Gutenberg Museum Mainz, Internationale Gutenberg-Gesellschaft. Westhofen: WVA-Verlag Skulima, 2002, pp.123-128.
  • Schaefer, Karl, "Eleven medieval Arabic block prints in the Cambridge University Library",Arabica 48 ii (2001), pp.210-239.
  • Schaefer, Karl, "The Scheide tarshPrinceton University Library Chronicle 56 iii (1995), pp.400-430.
  • Schaefer, Karl, Enigmatic charms: medieval Arabic block printed amulets in American and European libraries and museums. Leiden: Brill, 2006 (Handbook of Oriental Studies, I/82).
  • Select list of publications by Dr Geoffrey Roper

  • (With E.Hanebutt-Benz & D.Glaß, in collaboration with T.Smets): Middle Eastern languages and the print revolution: a cross-cultural encounter = Sprachen des Nahen Ostens und die Druckrevolution: eine interkulturelle Begegnung. Gutenberg Museum Mainz, Internationale Gutenberg-Gesellschaft. Westhofen 2002.
  • "Arabic printing: its history and significance". Ur, 1982 i, pp.23-30.
    Arabic incunabula. L'Arabisant, 21 (1982), pp. 18-28.
  • "George Percy Badger (1815-1888)". British Society for Middle Eastern Studies Bulletin, 11 (1984), pp. 140-145.
  • "Bibliography of George Percy Badger (1815-88)". British Society for Middle Eastern Studies Bulletin, 11 (1984), pp. 145-155.
  • "Arabic printing and publishing in England before 1820". British Society for Middle Eastern Studies Bulletin, 12 (1985), pp. 12-32.
  • "The export of Arabic books from Europe to the Middle East in the 18th century". BRISMES: British Society for Middle Eastern Studies (in association with AFEMAM): Proceedings of the 1989 International Conference on Europe and the Middle East ... Durham ... 1989. Oxford 1989, pp. 226-233.
  • "National awareness, civic rights and the rôle of the printing press in the 19th century: the careers and opinions of Fāris al-Shidyāq, his colleagues and patrons". Democracy in the Middle East: proceedings of the annual conference of the British Society for Middle Eastern Studies ... 1992. St Andrews 1992, pp.180-188.
  • "Fāris al-Shidyāq and the transition from scribal to print culture in the Middle East". The book in the Islamic world: the written word and communicationin the Middle East. Ed. G.N.Atiyeh. Albany (USA) 1995, pp. 283-292.
  • "Reference books". The Oxford Encyclopedia of the modern Islamic world. J.L.Esposito (ed.). Volume 3. New York 1995, pp. 415-420.
  • "Islamic art. III,8: Printing". The Dictionary of Art, vol. 16. London & New York 1996, pp. 359-363.
  • "Ahmad Faris al-Shidyaq (d. 1887) in Cambridge". Cambridge Bibliographical Society Newsletter, Summer 1996, pp.5-8.
  • "Turkish printing and publishing in Malta in the 1830s. (Imprimerie et publications turques à Malte dans les années 1830)". Turcica, 29 (1997) pp. 413-421.
  • "Printing and publishing". Encyclopedia of Arabic literature. Ed. J.S.Meisami & P.Starkey. London 1998, pp. 613-615.
  • "Persian printing and publishing in England in the 17th century". Iran and Iranian studies: essays in honor of Iraj Afshar. Ed. Kambiz Eslami. Princeton 1998, pp. 316-328.
  • "Ahmad Fāris al-Shidyāq and the libraries of Europe and the Ottoman Empire". Libraries & Culture, 33 iii (1998), pp. 233-248.
  • "Ahmad Fâris al-Shidyaq (ö.1887) ve Avrupa ve Osmanli imparatorluǧu kütüphaneleri". Kütüphanecilik Dergisi, 5 (1998), pp. 111-130.
  • "Texts from nineteenth-century Egypt: the role of E.W. Lane". Travellers in Egypt. Ed. P.Starkey & J.Starkey. London 1998, pp. 244-254.
  • "The beginnings of Arabic printing by the ABCFM, 1822-1841". Harvard Library Bulletin, N.S.9 i / 1998 (1999), pp.50-68.
  •  (With J.Tait): "Coptic typography: a brief sketch = Koptische Typographie: eine kurze Skizze". Middle Eastern languages and the print revolution: a cross-cultural encounter = Sprachen des Nahen Ostens und die Druckrevolution: eine interkulturelle Begegnung. Ed. E.Hanebutt-Benz, D.Glaß, G.Roper / Gutenberg Museum Mainz, Internationale Gutenberg-Gesellschaft. Westhofen: Skulima, 2002, pp. 117-121.
  • "Early Arabic printing in Europe = Arabische Frühdruck in Europa".Middle Eastern languages and the print revolution: a cross-cultural encounter = Sprachen des Nahen Ostens und die Druckrevolution: eine interkulturelle Begegnung. Ed. E.Hanebutt-Benz, D.Glaß, G.Roper / Gutenberg Museum Mainz, Internationale Gutenberg-Gesellschaft. Westhofen: Skulima, 2002, pp. 129-150.
  •  (With D.Glaß): "Arabische Buchdruck in der arabischen Welt = The printing of Arabic books in the Arab world". Middle Eastern languages and the print revolution: a cross-cultural encounter = Sprachen des Nahen Ostens und die Druckrevolution: eine interkulturelle Begegnung. Ed. E.Hanebutt-Benz, D.Glaß, G.Roper / Gutenberg Museum Mainz, Internationale Gutenberg-Gesellschaft. Westhofen: Skulima, 2002, pp. 177-205.
  • "Fāris al-Shidyāq wa-'l-intiqāl min thaqāfat al-naskh ilā thaqāfat al-tibā‘a fī al-sharq al-awsat". (Translated into Arabic by ‘Abd al-Sattār al-Halwajī)Al-Kitāb fī al- ‘ālam al-islāmī: al-kalima al-maktūba ka-wasīla li‘l-ittisāl fī mintaqat al-sharq al-awsat. Edited by George ‘Atiya, Kuwait: The National Council for Culture, Arts and Literature. (Series ‘Alam al-ma‘rifa, 297), pp. 189-209. ["Arabic translation of "Fāris al-Shidyāq and the transition from scribal to print culture in the Middle East", 1995].
  • "Christian Rassam (1808-72): translator, interpreter, diplomat and liar".Travellers in the Near East. Ed. Charles Foster. London: Stacey International, 2004, pp. 183-200.
  • "Badger, George Percy (1815-1888)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. Vol.3, p.201. Online athttp://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/1021 [Subscription only].
  • "Faris, Ahmad (Ahmad Fāris; formerly Faris ibn Yusuf al-Shidyaq) (1805/6-1887)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. Vol.19, pp.47-48. Online at:http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/60819 [Subscription only].
  • "Wright, William (1830-1889)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. Vol.60, pp.506-507. Online at:http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/30069 [Subscription only].
  • "Arabic books printed in Malta 1826-42: some physical characteristics".History of printing and publishing in the languages and countries of the Middle East, ed. Philip Sadgrove. Oxford: Oxford University Press on behalf of the University of Manchester, 2004 (2005) (Journal of Semitic Studies, Supplement 15), pp. 111-129.
  • "Al-Jawā'ib Press and the edition and transmission of Arabic manuscript texts in the 19th century". Theoretical approaches to the transmission of Oriental manuscripts: proceedings of a symposium held in Istanbul, March 28-30, 2001, ed. Judith Pfeiffer, Manfred Kropp. Beirut: Orient-Institut; Würzburg: Ergon-Verlag, in Kommission, 2007 (Beiruter Texte und Studien, 111), pp. 237-247
  • "The printing press and change in the Arab world". Agent of change: print cultural studies after Elizabeth Eisenstein. Ed. Sabrina Alcorn Baron, Eric N. Lindquist & Eleanor F. Shevlin. Amherst & Boston: University of Massachussetts Press, in association with the Center for the Book, Library of Congress, 2007, pp. 250-267.
  • Minggu, 30 Maret 2008

    Al-Jazari’s Castle Water Clock: Analysis of its Components and Functioning

    By Professor Salim T. S. Al-Hassani*

    Introduction

    The castle water clock is one of the grandest clocks mentioned in al-Jazari's book. Details of its construction and operation have been described quite explicitly at the beginning of Al-Jami ‘ bayn al-‘ilm wa ‘l-‘amal al-nafi ‘ fi sina ‘at al-hiyal (A Compendium on the Theory and Useful Practice of the Mechanical Arts). The first chapter of Category I of the treatise devotes to this detailed description ten sections [1]. We follow in our study of al-Jazari's device his own narrative, but our description given below is not concerned with exact details of its construction but concerned with how components are linked with each other and with the purpose of the clock and its functioning. The analysis thus provided is conceived to accompany computer animations; it is also an interpretation of the clock's appearance to viewers and a study of its internal workings. Further, basic notes on the clock's operating system have been provided to aid understanding of components and some are referenced to technical drawings found at the end.

    Figure 1: Manuscript view of the castle clock. Source: Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Egyptian manuscript, Mamluk period, Accession number: 14.533 (ink, opaque watercolor and gold on paper, 39.37 x 27.62 cm).(Source)

    Table of contents
    Introduction

    Acknowledgement

    This research would have not been possible without the hard work of my students, especially Miss Wai Yin Chang and Mr. Jonathan W. B. Chang, who assisted in the research work for FSTC as part of their research project at the University of Manchester.

    Bibliography and References

    • Al-Hassan, Ahmad Y., and Hill, Donald R., Islamic Technology. An Illustrated History. Paris/Cambridge: UNESCO/Cambridge University Press, 1986. French translation: Sciences et techniques en islam (Paris: Edifra, 1991).
    • Al-Hassani, Salim, Muslim Engineer : Al-Jazari.
    • Al-Hassani, Salim, Al-Jazari: the Mechanical Genius (2001).
    • Al-Hassani, Salim, The Machines of Al-Jazari and Taqi Al-Din (2004).
    • Al-Jazari, The Book of Knowledge of Ingenious Mechanical Devices: Kitáb fí ma'rifat al-hiyal al-handasiyya, translated by D. R.. Hill. Dordrecht: D. Reidel, 1974.
    • Al-Jazari, al-, Al-Jami' bayn al-‘ilm wa 'l-‘amal al-nafi' fi sina'at al-hiyal. Edited by Ahmad Y. al-Hassan. Aleppo: Institute for the History of Arabic Science, 1979.
    • Kumarasvami, Ananda K. The Treatise of Al-Jazari on Automata: Leaves from a Manuscript of the Kitab fi Ma'arifat al-Hiyal al-Handasiya in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, and Elsewhere. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1924 (Communications to the trustees, VI).
    • Hariri, F. 1997. Study and Analysis of the Water Machines in the book entitled ‘A Compendium of the Theory and Practice of the Mechanical Arts by al-Jazari'. Applying Modern systems on Control Engineering. Master Thesis. Aleppo: Aleppo University (in Arabic), 1997.

    End Notes


    [1] Al-Jazari, The Book of Knowledge of Ingenious Mechanical Devices: Kitâb fî ma'rifat al-hiyal al-handasiyya, English translation and introductions by Donald R.. Hill, Dordrecht: D. Reidel, 1974, pp. 17-41.
    * Foundation for Science, Technology and Civilisation, Chairman of the board; Emeritus professor at the University of Manchester, UK.
    by: Professor Salim T. S. Al-Hassani, Thu 13 March, 2008

    Source : http://muslimheritage.com/topics/default.cfm?ArticleID=899

    Kaligrafi of Allah


    Sabtu, 29 Maret 2008

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